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Culture ciné 12
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Cars 1
car review 1
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Vu du Royaume-Uni 1
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Philippines 1
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Marcos, Ferdinand E 1
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Inwood (Manhattan, NY) 1
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dinosaurs 1
paleontology 1
phsiology 1
warm blooded 1
Opera 1
Classical Music 1
Metropolitan Opera 1
Heartbeat Opera 1
Proske, Louisa 1
Davidsen, Lise 1
Gelb, Peter 1
Green, Ryan Speedo 1
Kelsey, Quinn 1
Macbeth (Opera) 1
Canicule 1
jardin 1
plante 1
sécheresse 1
Biodiversité 1
adaptation au changement climatique 1
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sécheresse des sols 1
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pelouse sèche 1
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Archéologie 1
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plaque bactérienne 1
hygiène bucco-dentaire 1
maladie parodontale 1
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magie 1
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Fée 1
Merlin 1
légende 1
maléfice 1
magicienne 1
chevalier 1
chevalier au Moyen Age 1
avalon 1
littérature 1
roman de chevalerie 1
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Alternative for Germany 1
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Berlin (Germany) 1
Merz, Friedrich 1
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Right-Wing Extremism and Alt-Right 1
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Idées 1
Vrai ou faux 1
Portrait 1
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Azaria, Elor 1
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Netanyahu, Benjamin 1
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Meta 1
Privacy 1
Sheik, Duncan 1
Nineteen Hundred Nineties 1
Spring Awakening (Play) 1
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Civilian Casualties 1
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Afghanistan 1
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Waziristan (Pakistan) 1
Al Qaeda 1
Taliban 1
Tehrik-e-Taliban 1
génétique 1
ADN 1
chromosomes 1
chimérisme 1
microchimérisme 1
ADN foetal 1
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chromosomes sexuels 1
Mokhtefi, Elaine (1928-2026) 1
Deaths (Obituaries) 1
Algerian War (1954-62) 1
Secession and Independence Movements 1
Algeria 1
Black Panther Party 1
Jost, Colin 1
Davidson, Pete (1993- ) 1
Comedy and Humor 1
Snapple Beverage Corp 1
Staten Island Ferry 1
Chieng, Ronny (Comedian) 1
Jurden, Jay 1
Vecchione, Mike 1
Vulcano, Sal (1976- ) 1
South Street Seaport (Manhattan, NY) 1
Staten Island (NYC) 1
microplastiques 1
Eau 1
calcaire 1
eau bouillie 1
dureté de l’eau 1
eau douce 1
résidus 1
décontamination 1
eau du robinet 1
ébullition 1
ébullition de l'eau 1
filtration 1
filtration de l'eau 1
nanoplastiques 1
Vu du Québec 1
News 1
IA 1
Deals 1
Gaming 1
PC Gaming 1
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DeepSeek 1
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Decoder 1
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Riyadh (Saudi Arabia) 1
Yemen 1
Houthis 1
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Holocaust and the Nazi Era 1
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Norton Simon Museum 1
Amsterdam (Netherlands) 1
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Jacques Goudstikker 1
Saher, Marei von 1
Anthropic 1
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LG 1
TVs 1
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North Atlantic Treaty Organization 1
Great Britain 1
Miliband, Edward S 1
Saar, Gideon 1
Géopolitique 1
Beauté 1
Corps humain 1
Chirurgie esthétique 1
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chirurgie du nez 1
chirurgie reconstructive 1
rhinoplastie 1
Frederiksen, Mette 1
aging prevention 1
anti-aging 1
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Psychologie 1
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roulette 1
probabilité 1
jeux de hasard 1
mégajackpot 1
gros lot 1
biais cognitifs 1
joueur 1
Carney, Mark J 1
Cycling, Road 1
Tour de France (Bicycle Race) 1
Bicycles and Bicycling 1
Daylight Saving Time 1
Customs (Tariff) 1
Strasbourg (France) 1
True North: On the Road in Canada (Book) 1
asteroids 1
astronomy 1
centaurs 1
Chariklo 1
JWST 1
rings 1
Content Type: Service 1
Country Music 1
Amoroso, Paco (Singer) 1
Ca7riel (Singer) 1
Ashe (Singer) 1
Green, Riley (1988- ) 1
Nash, Kate 1
PinkPantheress 1
Rundle, Emma Ruth 1
Melons 1
Palace of Fine Arts (Mexico City, Mexico) 1
Mexico 1
Veracruz (Mexico) 1
Xalapa (Mexico) 1
Spain 1
Extradition 1
Asylum, Right of 1
James Chambers 1
Israel-Gaza War (2023- ) 1
Cox Enterprises Inc 1
Hamas 1
Garzon, Baltasar 1
Sanchez Perez-Castejon, Pedro (1972- ) 1
Ibiza (Spain) 1
Madrid (Spain) 1
Prisons and Prisoners 1
Philanthropy 1
Elbit Systems Ltd 1
United Russia 1
Veterans 1
Jay-Z 1
Rap and Hip-Hop 1
Rubin, Rick 1
Jay-Z in 8 (Movie) 1
Toronto International Film Festival 1
Offshore Drilling and Exploration 1
falldesign2026 1
Walking 1
Lee Ufan (1936- ) 1
Kamakura (Japan) 1
Theater (Off Broadway) 1
The Cherry Orchard (Play) 1
Stone, Simon (1984- ) 1
Jeon Do-yeon 1
Park Avenue Armory (Manhattan, NY) 1
The Sound of Music (Movie) 1
Salzburg (Austria) 1
Museums 1
Hammerstein, Oscar II 1
Rodgers, Richard 1
Wise, Robert Earl (1914-2005) 1
Austria 1
Economic Conditions and Trends 1
Lowe, Rob 1
The Musical (Movie) 1
Animated Films 1
Affleck, Ben 1
Almodovar, Pedro 1
Boyle, Danny 1
Cruise, Tom 1
DuVernay, Ava 1
Eggers, Robert (Filmmaker) 1
Eisenberg, Jesse 1
Farrelly, Peter 1
Fincher, David 1
Firstman, Jordan 1
Greaves, William (1926-2014) 1
Heder, Sian (1977- ) 1
Lawrence, Francis (1971- ) 1
Leigh, Mike 1
Loktev, Julia 1
Zvyagintsev, Andrey 1
Wladyka, Josef Kubota 1
West, Ti 1
Villeneuve, Denis 1
Vasarhelyi, Elizabeth Chai 1
Showalter, Michael 1
Tariq, Bassam 1
Pawlikowski, Pawel 1
Oppenheim, Lance 1
Mungiu, Cristian 1
McDonagh, Martin 1
14th (Movie) 1
Animals (Movie) 1
Behemoth (Movie) 1
Clarissa (Movie) 1
Clayface (Movie) 1
Club Kid (Movie) 1
Digger (Movie) 1
Dune: Part Three (Movie) 1
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Does AI need an antitrust exemption so it doesn’t kill everyone???? The Verge

Sept. 19, 2026, 2 p.m.

AI Antitrust Decoder

Today on Decoder, we’ve got the first of a two-part series on the future of business, and I’m talking with Jonathan Kanter, the former antitrust chief for the US Department of Justice in the Biden administration. These days, he’s both a professor of law at WashU and professor of technology policy at Carnegie Mellon. Does AI need an antitrust exemption so it doesn’t kill everyone???? Former DOJ antitrust boss Jonathan Kanter on AI slowdowns, competition, and cartels. The biggest story in tech right now is the spiraling debate about AI safety and regulation. Researchers at the big AI labs including Anthropic and Google DeepMind have quit in noisy ways, saying the models pose real threats and safety isn’t being taken seriously across the industry. Other researchers have said the chance of AI killing us all is greater than 10 percent, and the CEOs of all these companies have issued various calls to slow down development and develop regulation, including asking for antitrust exemptions so they can all coordinate on safety issues. That is a lot of ideas, and I am especially curious about the antitrust piece, which has led to accusations that these companies are seeking regulatory capture, attempting to form a cartel, and even somehow finding a way out from investor pressure ahead of their IPOs. Verge subscribers, don’t forget you get exclusive access to ad-free Decoder wherever you get your podcasts. Head here. Not a subscriber? You can sign up here. So to make sense of it all, I called Jonathan Kanter. Jonathan brought huge antitrust cases against Google, Apple, and Ticketmaster during his time as antitrust chief, and along with Lina Khan, led what amounted to a full reboot of American antitrust policy. As you’ll hear him say, he won those cases against Google and Ticketmaster, and that case against Apple is still live in the Trump DOJ, surprising many. That reboot has also led to some surprising alliances in the AI debate — avowed libertarian and former Trump AI czar David Sacks has been approvingly retweeting Lina Khan saying there’s no need for an antitrust exemption. This is all a lot, and you’ll hear Jonathan and me really get into the weeds of how all this regulation might work, and how it might interact with antitrust law, competition policy, and our relationship with China. Okay: Jonathan Kanter, former DOJ antitrust chief, on AI safety and regulation. Here we go. This interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity. Jonathan Kanter, you’re the former head of the DOJ Antitrust Division in the Biden administration and a current professor of law at WashU and professor of technology policy at Carnegie Mellon. Welcome back to Decoder. Always a pleasure to be back. This is great. You’re a private citizen now. You don’t have to give me the politician answers. I can say whatever I want. I feel so free. I’m very excited about this. I plan to as well. I have a million questions about the state of AI regulation in America right now. There is a swirl of ideas about how we should or should not regulate these companies. There’s the Trump administration whose posture seems to be “no,” which is fascinating. You rarely see the federal government just decline to participate in the way that the Trump administration appears to be declining to participate. And then there’s an incredible backbone of antitrust concern floating throughout all of this. Are these companies trying to form a cartel? Are they aware that maybe their IPOs aren’t going to go the way they want to, so they’re seeking regulatory capture in some way that is good or bad? Are they trying to foreclose cheaper competition from open-weight Chinese models? Give me your sense of just the state of things right now, and then I want to dive into the specifics with you. The state of the world right now is like we’ve invented cars and trucks, but we have no lines on the road, no traffic lights and no stop signs and no speed limits. We’ve invented this incredibly powerful technology that’s transforming how we live our lives, how we conduct business, how we socialize, how we seek and generate and consume information. We need some basic rules of the road. I think about it on two fronts. What are the things that companies should be doing? And what are things the government should be doing? There are responsibilities on both ends. I’m happy to dive into both. Let’s just start with the very notion that asking for regulation necessarily forms a cartel. All the big frontier AI companies — OpenAI, Anthropic, Google DeepMind, even Elon Musk — do not necessarily like each other. These are people that do not necessarily like each other. They are saying in concert that they should slow down. The phrase that Dario Amodei from Anthropic is using is to “pace the frontier.” My read of this is that they simply do not trust each other, that they are in a prisoner’s dilemma and they need an outside force, most likely the government, to enforce some kind of policy framework on them that they have to agree with. Is that a fair read of just the basics here? Kind of. Let me give you my interpretation from the most generous to the most cynical, neither of which, TL;DR, should result in any sort of antitrust exemption. The most generous interpretation is that they’re afraid of the pace of innovation and the lack of regulation means they don’t see any lines on the road. They don’t know where to drive and they’re worried about driving off the road or hitting somebody else. They’re begging for the government to step in and do something. Probably there’s a modicum of truth to that. I believe they believe it could destroy humanity. I’m not sure that that doomsday scenario is accurate, but I believe they believe that. That’s the more generous version. The more cynical version is that they’re spending so much money, they’re hemorrhaging cash and they can’t keep this up, but if they pull back, it’s going to affect their valuation as part of the IPO. So they would like somebody to give them all permission to stop spending so much money and slow the pace of innovation so that they don’t have to compete as hard so they can figure out their economics before they go public. Does an agreement among all the top players in a field like this automatically form a cartel? On that cynical side of the interpretation, there’s a lot of, “You just want regulatory capture. You want to make a cartel. You want to foreclose competition.” That is a risk certainly of that kind of arrangement. Let’s walk through what’s necessary and what’s not. Let me just be very clear, these companies do not need to coordinate in order to deliver safe and secure products to society. Think about this: imagine Boeing and Airbus. Boeing fears doors falling off the plane. It wasn’t Airbus’s fault and they didn’t need to slow down innovation with Airbus in order to prevent those doors from flying off the plane. They needed to figure out how to build planes that were safer. If you build cars that explode while you’re driving, it’s not the other car company’s fault and you don’t need to come together and figure out how to solve those problems. You need to figure out what went wrong in your manufacturing process. If you create products that create AI agents that break into somebody else’s and hack somebody else’s technology, it is no different, in my mind, than having an employee go do that. You have a responsibility to build safe and secure products and companies should be held liable when their agents, whether those agents are digital and binary or whether those agents are AI or whether those agents are humans. If they start doing bad things, the company that employs them can and should be held responsible. Those are the basic rules of the road. There are areas where there is legitimate collaboration in the context of safety and security. For example, having a clearinghouse to properly share threats, malicious bots, or other things that you can create a repository for so that everyone can build safer products. Those are the kinds of collaboration that happen in other industries and you don’t need an antitrust exemption because the antitrust laws don’t prohibit that kind of work. If two companies say, “We’re competing too hard and we need to slow down,” yes, that could implicate the antitrust laws, but that’s not what we should be doing here. We should be innovating, but companies should have the responsibility to build safe and secure products and the government should be responsible for putting lines on the road that say, “If you don’t build a safe and secure product, here’s what the consequences are. If you don’t build a safe and secure product, here’s what liability might look like. If you don’t build a safe and secure product, then perhaps there should be robot jail for your agents and it should be taken off the market.” I want to dig into robot jail specifically. in the amount of pressure we’re putting on what feels like product liability law. There’s something there that I want to talk about more specifically, but my wife’s a lawyer. I told her I was talking to you this morning and I tried to explain that there are fault lines here and she just shot me that look and said, “This is just a nightmare law school hypothetical.” What you’re describing is, “Does tort law create a regulatory framework for these companies?” And somewhere in there is, “If my agent goes and hacks you, my directive is that Anthropic’s at fault. Are we going to create some kind of pass-through liability? Does that happen already or not? Do we need another law or clarification law?” What’s your view on this? If I direct my Meta Muse agent to go attack you and it does it, is that Meta’s fault? Both/and. Companies employ people and they build technology. When those people and those technologies do things that are problematic, including stealing or breaking into someone else’s property on behalf of their employer, there’s liability and that can be products liability, but it could be more than products liability. You’re just people doing bad things or companies creating technology that’s doing bad things. And the products liability framework actually did work most recently in the case against Meta for Facebook and Instagram and child safety and security and mental health. Wait, hold on. That is really fascinating to me. This is a thing I’m really interested in talking about, because it took a decade for it to work. That’s the problem! This is where the government needs to step in. Companies have an obligation today to build safe and secure products and the pace of innovation isn’t an excuse not to go do that. Let’s be very clear about that. At the same time, we’ve invented cars and trucks and trains and we have no crossings, we have no lights, we have no lines on the road. Congress is completely incapable of pretty much doing anything. While these tech companies are out there saying that they want regulation, they’re actively lobbying against it and have been for a very long time. The whole thing is a complete mess and it’s a symptom of our system, which is a complete mess. And frankly, if the political scientist in me would trace that back to things like gerrymandering and Citizens United where our process has gotten out of control and Congress, which should be doing its basic job of putting basic safety standards and responsibilities in place, hasn’t done that. That having been said, the lack of action by Congress is not an excuse to deliver dangerous products. If you believe your product is going to destroy humanity, then don’t build it. If you believe your product is going to break into someone else’s stuff, then go back to the drawing board and figure out how you build it in a way that’s safer. Guess what? That’s innovation. These are innovation problems, not just regulatory problems. We need to do a better job incentivizing our companies to build safer and secure products. When they do that, those products will perform better and we will see better innovation. Right now, innovation is asymmetric because it’s done without the proper regard for safety and security, just like we saw in social media. As a result, now we have products that are really good and really effective at letting people communicate, but really bad when it comes to childhood addiction and mental health. Perhaps we should learn our lesson and encourage people to build safer, more secure products from the get-go, at the outset of this technology. Let me make the comparison to social media regulation a little more tightly. We just had the big Meta case; that is a products liability case. Their products were designed in a way that caused harm to teenagers. Meta settled the case because I think Mark Zuckerberg would prefer to build AI than to care about moderating Facebook. But they did lose one to a jury. They usually lose one to a jury, and this case wasn’t going well, but fundamentally they settled. They gave up. There’s a view that if they had fought and appealed, they would have won on some first amendment grounds, that the product liability case maybe wasn’t as strong as we all thought it was. And the other reason I’m saying that is Meta gave in to the regulator and their posture at the end was a settlement. They gave in and they accepted some regulation. It took a long time for the product liability version of this to get a company like Meta to concede some regulation, to concede some controls— To get a company like Meta to concede some regulation, to concede some controls. If we’re saying today, “OpenAI, you are probably liable for what ChatGPT does. Anthropic, you are probably liable for what Claude does,” isn’t this the moment to actually tighten the screw and pass the regulation that says, “You are definitely liable”? Yes. This is the job of Congress, which is to clarify the law. But I think the environment today is noticeably different than the environment was 15–20 years ago. 15–20 years ago, we had Section 230, which actually granted massive amounts of immunity to online companies, which actually made it harder to sue them and gave them more flexibility to innovate without regard for consequences. We had — and this is not partisan because it can go back to the Obama administration — a very hands off, “Oh my goodness, our economy depends on these wonderful companies from Silicon Valley. Let’s let them do whatever they want and essentially allow them to set up camp at the White House and in Congress and tell us how to write or not write our rules.” The results of that have eroded or destroyed any trust the public has in these technology companies. One of the reasons we’re having this conversation a lot earlier in the process now is because people are saying, “Fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me.” The good news is there’s greater public awareness and appreciation for the problems and a desire to do something meaningful. The problem is we have a system in Congress because of things like Citizens United, because of things like gerrymandering that have a government that is not responsive to the needs of the people. That is the impasse that we’re all confronting. We’re going to have to, in the meantime, rely on things like products liability or others to help get us some semblance of structure. But the other piece is the states. The states have actually done a better job than the federal government. You can rewind back six months or a year, and we had people in Congress, without imposing any affirmative rules, saying we should put a 10-year moratorium on the ability of states to impose their own rules and regulations at a time when Congress had no affirmative solutions of its own. So, hopefully that moment has passed and the public is saying — and the companies are saying — “Let’s sit down and figure out something sensible.” The polling data is clear that the American public does not trust these companies, does not like these products, and is afraid of the consequences to come, even if those consequences are hazy in the long term. They seem not so hazy in the short term. Right. Some of this is that the companies have done a terrible job at messaging. They have effectively said, “We’re going to destroy all your jobs and potentially destroy humanity, but we’re going to IPO for a massive valuation and we’re going to set up camp in your local communities with data centers, which by the way, don’t employ people and drive up the cost of power. But, it’s okay. China.” I want to come to China in one second, because that feels like another very important piece of the puzzle. But you mentioned a cast of characters here, you mentioned Obama. There’s a political realignment inside this debate that I find confounding. David Sacks, who was Trump’s AI czar, is retweeting your former counterpart at the FTC, Lina Khan, saying, “The existing antitrust laws are fine. You don’t need an exemption. The existing laws” — like you’re saying — “will cover you. They will make it so you can coordinate on security things and you’ll be liable for what you’re doing. And if you want to stop, just stop.” That is an absolutely shocking kind of political alignment to me. Where do you think that’s coming from? Actually, it’s a realignment of the realignment. Going back to Trump 1, we started seeing the kind of ends of the horseshoe starting to meet where folks left, right, and center were all concerned about the power of big tech. When people like Lina and I came into office, we had a mandate and a lot of public support, frankly, to be aggressive in enforcing the law against big tech. Then came the inevitable backlash and the Trump administration in the second incarnation was a lot more friendly with those companies rather than the first, and then it became cozy again. Now I think we’re seeing that break once more. But if I was to describe to you a day in which David Sacks is approvingly retweeting Lina Khan, while Bloomberg columnist Joe Weisenthal is saying “All these people are just saying Lina Khan was right about the power of cartels.” And hours later, Bernie Sanders and Steve Bannon are sharing a stage in DC calling for a dead stop of AI development. That doesn’t look like anything that we’ve seen before. No, no. Although again, I will say this. When I went up before Congress, I had support from Senator Mike Lee and Chuck Grassley and Josh Hawley and Matt Gaetz asked me if I was tired of winning at one of my oversight hearings. And then I had a bunch of Democrats, many of whom supported me, some of whom were very adherent to the big tech companies, who would criticize me. These signs of this stuff being all over the map have been around for a while. The fight between little tech and big tech — this is the part that I think a lot of folks don’t see from the outside, but the biggest antagonists of the big tech companies are the other tech companies. I did a speech before the Chamber of Commerce when I was in office and I brought a whole box of fake mustache and glasses. And I said, “I’m here to say thank you because all your members are coming in and helping us figure out how to bring our cases. And I know you don’t like the reputational hit of that. So here are some disguises, you can put them on next time you come in.” But the truth of the matter is most people hate the monopolist unless you’re the monopolist and companies want the opportunity to compete on the merits and win or lose on the merits of their own innovations and their own business acumen. A lot of this stuff actually has wide-range appeal. The politics of it get kind of weird and funky like you’re describing. But I think if you look at the data center issue, for example, it’s not left or right. It’s all of the above. Part of this is, to me, a situation in which we’re actually more in a healthier place, as unhealthy as the whole thing is, than we were during the internet and social media revolution where even criticizing those companies or saying we needed something was seen as a very fringe position. The truth of the matter is people want some lines on the road. They don’t want to stop innovation. They don’t want to stop progress. They’re not saying we have to burn the whole thing down, although Bernie kind of wants a complete stoppage. I don’t think that is realistic. We don’t want to stop innovation. We just want to have innovation result in safe and secure products that make us better as a society. That requires some correction in terms of the course as opposed to the path we’re on right now. I do think one notable difference between now and what happened with social media companies is that the people who ran Twitter and Facebook and YouTube did not run around saying they might kill everyone. They ran around with the banner of the righteous, they were going to bring democracy to the Middle East with the power of social media. These AI companies obviously think that they’re going to do something great. They’re going to cure all diseases, they’re going to make life better. We’re going to live in luxury communism or whatever that thing is. But they’re also very clear that unrestrained competition might lead to really enormous negative outcomes. One of the things they’re constantly talking about is China. They can all coordinate in the United States, but the United States needs to win because there’s the specter that Chinese models might overtake them and then the Chinese government will be in control of AGI or whatever thing that is scary on the horizon. What do you make of that? Is that just a convenient boogeyman? Is that real? Is that something competition law can address? It’s largely a convenient boogeyman. We’ve been dealing with these kinds of issues. I was thinking back to the breakup of AT&T. At the time, AT&T made the argument to the Reagan administration that it should not be broken up because in order to win the Cold War, we needed a national telecommunications network that was nice and strong. And the Reagan administration rejected that argument. The fact of the matter is the way to compete against China is to lean into what makes us great as a country. What makes us great as a country is we care about our people. Also, just let’s be very clear, China is not doing what we’re doing. China limits the way in which kids can interact with technology. China censors what people see in its borders. China actually manages and centrally controls a lot of its corporations through state owned enterprises and influenced enterprises. This idea that the only way to compete against China is to let us deliver unsafe products is kind of ridiculous. The way we win, whatever that means, against China is to make sure that we are delivering great innovations and products that benefit society, that we are protecting people from harmful uses of those products, and then we’re allowing a free market to function within those constraints. That’s how we beat China. As I was saying before with social media, the lack of rules and the lack of accountability resulted in a lack of innovation in how to build these products at the outset in a way that’s more safe and that’s more secure and better for, let’s say, mental health of people. It is not a bad thing and it’s not bad for innovation to require people to deliver safe and secure products. It is the responsibility of the country to make sure that our companies are innovating within the constraints, within the boundaries of a free market, but doing so in a way that is beneficial. Let me try to split the difference between your former role as antitrust chief and your current role as law professor. Give people a framework to understand how competition law domestically should interact with foreign policy. We are in some sort of national competition with China across a number of dimensions. There is a fear that if Chinese tech companies flood America with cheap-to-run, open-weight models, then all this collapses and the United States economy collapses. There’s a lot there, between how we might deal with China as a foreign adversary, or at least a geopolitical rival and our competition policy here. What’s the best framework to understand? The best framework is that we should promote dynamic aggressive competition inside the borders of the United States. We want companies, including foreign companies usually, but certainly domestic companies to compete hard because our system is a market-based system. It’s one where people innovate, and the opportunity to be successful encourages people to try new things, invest money and capital and make great products. All that is good. The idea that we need monopolies at home in order to compete abroad is antithetical to our way of life. The Boston Tea Party was founded as a revolution against the British monopoly over the necessities of life. This goes back to the founding of our country. Our freedom is in part in economic freedom and we need to make sure we promote that. Saying that we should tolerate monopolies domestically in order to compete abroad is wrong. There are legitimate questions, some of which this administration is raising, about how we deal with foreign nations that try to dump cheap products below cost and things like that. I was reading with my law students the other day a case from the 80s where the allegations were that companies in Japan were cartelizing television sets to sell them at a higher price so they can cross-subsidize below-cost pricing in the United States, in order to drive out the domestic US manufacturers. That was the height of the Chicago school libertarian movement. The Supreme Court actually used some cockamamie version of economics to suggest that wasn’t an antitrust violation, and set the stage for what happened next. There are legitimate questions about what we need to do to make sure that there is fair competition, and a fair playing field, that we are protecting the ability of people domestically to compete successfully. But the way to deal with that question is not to allow monopolization of our markets domestically in order to compete abroad. That’s just an excuse. That is leaning away from rather than into what makes us really special as a nation. I can already hear what our most skeptical members of the audience are saying. They are screaming, probably in their cars, that it’s already a monopoly, that Nvidia has circular financed, all of these companies are already coordinated, product liability theories of harm will just fall on their face because there’s no way OpenAI would ever sue Hugging Face, because Nvidia just bought Hugging Face and Nvidia’s the biggest investor in OpenAI. Do you need to go break that up? Do you need to go pull that all apart? Somebody should be looking at these issues. This is what we were starting to do when we were in office. We were saying, “There are some lines on the road now and you can’t go buy or invest in any company you want. We want competition to mean competition and that might be a little frustrating on some ends, but so long as you’re within those boundaries, go for it. Go compete as hard as you can.” This administration has taken the position that we’re going to allow a small number of companies to reach a level of dominance, or oligopoly, or monopoly so that we can beat China, whatever beating China means. And that’s the piece that I don’t quite understand. What does beating China mean? I get the idea that if China has these advanced bots that are violating and infiltrating our companies, and our government servers and the like, well fine, that’s a national security issue and we should deal with that. That’s a geopolitical issue. We should deal with that. That’s an international relations issue. We should deal with that. But the way to deal with that is not having monopolies domestically, especially when those monopolies are adherent to shareholders rather than the best interest of the public. This is a big debate across the United States government right now. The Trump administration has taken direct investment in a bunch of American companies. They’ve talked about setting up a sovereign wealth fund based in crypto. There’s more coordination between the government and private industry in a Republican administration than you would ever expect in history. Owning the means of production. What does that sound like to you? And then they call everyone else communists, which is great. Again, the realignment is wild stuff that’s happening out there. Compare owning a grocery store, a couple of grocery stores in New York to actually investing in some of the most significant technological infrastructure of our nation. Well, the grocery stores are a huge threat to the American way of life. There’s a piece of the puzzle here where the Trump administration’s approach is national champions. They’re just not saying it maybe as explicitly as you are. Do you think that approach can be unwound? Do you think competition law is compatible with that approach? It is harder to unwind it than it is to build it the right way from the get go. You hit the nail on the head. National champions. China is a country of national champions. The United States is not a country of national champions. The United States is a company where anyone could grow up to be a champion. That’s the American dream. Our promise, our way of life is based on a fundamentally different idea and ideal. The more we diverge and deviate from that, the worse off we are. I do think that is a bad policy, and it will be harder to undo the more it calcifies. Again, this is not anti-business or anti-market, just to be very clear. I’m a capitalist. I’m a card-carrying capitalist. I’m proud to say I am. The world that I want is one where everyone can be investing, everyone can be building a company, and that there are rules around the edges in terms of monopolizing markets. But within that, everyone should compete as hard as they can, build, grow, and do all sorts of amazing things. That is a better version of our country, one that got us to the place of economic power and dominance globally. We are more vulnerable when we have central points of failure, and we are less free when we have a small number of companies that are telling us how to live our lives. I’m for the 1,000 flowers blooming inside the borders of the United States. It is just remarkable to me. We’re weeks away from the midterm elections. That is something a traditional conservative from the 90s would have said about the power of the free markets. What do you make of this moment? If you had to describe the policy positions of conservatives, and if you had to describe the policy positions of the median Republican and the median Democrat headed into the midterms around this issue, are they compatible? Are they at war? Is it a total scramble? It’s a total scramble. I’ll take one issue. I don’t think what I articulated is that of a conservative from the 90s. I think the conservatives of the 90s were about antitrust and competition policy, and all of these ideas that were very central to the development and growth of our country, from the 40s to the 70s, should be thrown away and we should let industry consolidate. And we did, we saw industry consolidate. That is part of the reason why we have a lot of the problems that we have today, including the K-shaped economy, and the sense of opportunity not being widely available. In terms of your question, it is a scramble. The plates are shifting and where everything ends up is still unclear. We are living through the transformation of our politics and our ideals, and Republicans, Democrats, conservatives, and progressives and all these other different flavors will not mean in 15 years what they meant 15 years ago. It’s a little bit unclear how that’s all going to play out, but we are literally living through that transformation right now, which is kind of remarkable. It’s an interesting thing to observe as somebody who likes to study markets, technology, and policy. Again, not all of this is bad. We do need some realignment. We need to take an inward look at the way we’re governing our society, the way we’re encouraging our markets to structure, and think about whether there are things we should do differently. But what we are living through is two things that are happening. One is from the 80s to probably the 2010s, we were living through the Reagan era of neoliberal politics and policy. The left and right have both rebelled against that. That nail in the coffin is being hammered in as we speak. The other thing that’s happening that is even more fascinating is we have been living in the New Deal era for nearly 100 years. That era is over, and what comes next is a jump ball, but it’s over in terms of the role of government, the role of policy, the role of our international relations. All of that is being rebuilt or stripped down to the studs, including our government agencies themselves, our regulatory structure. The way this AI issue would’ve been handled 50 years ago is we would’ve created a Department for AI Safety or something, and they would’ve promulgated rules and they would had folks looking at it. And that might not have been the right approach, but that’s what would’ve been the approach. The Supreme Court has essentially thrown that out the window. It’s no longer what we have. Now we have an executive branch that basically decides on its whims what it wants to do on a daily basis. The whole thing is just completely a mess. Trump’s approach to this is, “You don’t need a regulator, you need a great president, and that’s me.” I saw that and I thought, “But what you would do is regulate them. So you should just hire some people to do it. You should just delegate, like any boss would do.” This is the irony. A good friend of mine, Dave Lawrence, wrote a piece in the New York Times a few weeks ago saying just this, which is that the Supreme Court has said, “We don’t want agencies and regulators promulgating rules and answering major questions, which is supposed to be the purview of Congress.” But instead they’ve essentially allowed the executive branch to do it without any process, without any input, and essentially with very little structure, which does lead to regulatory capture, which does lead to inadequate or inequitable outcomes. That’s what we’re confronting right now. Again, this is all consistent with what I was saying a few moments ago, which is kind of ripping down to the studs of the New Deal era. The government infrastructure that we relied on to figure out how to deal with all these things has essentially been destroyed. Now we don’t really have the resources or the structure in place to deal with these kinds of existential problems. Instead, we have Congress, and Congress is largely ineffective because of things like Citizens United and gerrymandering, which have essentially made all politics national and all politics tribal. Let me ask you two questions to wrap this up. You mentioned some eras. You, along with Lina Khan, brought forth a new era in antitrust. Some people called it hipster antitrust. The academics called it neo-Brandeisian antitrust. Just look at my hairline. I’m far from a hipster. You’re much cooler than I am. But the idea that we would bring back aggressive antitrust enforcement on theories of the law that weren’t simply related to consumer prices going up or down, that was new. That was something you brought forth. You brought a lot of cases against [companies like] Apple. Successfully. We won our cases. Our cases on the law won. We beat Google in court twice. We survived our motion to dismiss on Apple. We put together a Ticketmaster case that even when the Trump administration tried to settle it, actually won in front of a jury in court. The stuff we did worked. We brought cases on algorithmic pricing in healthcare. We fought for the public because the public wanted someone to fight for them. The settlements in the Google cases did not achieve the results you were advocating. Not the settlements, the remedies. Which I did not preside over. I presided over the victories. We handed the baton over to the next administration. The remedies were admittedly disappointing. Could we have achieved a different outcome? I don’t know. I would’ve liked the opportunity to try, but we didn’t. So that’s disappointing. But it doesn’t change the fact that we changed the game. We changed the approach, and the state of antitrust law and the state of competition policy was a heck of a lot better when we left it than when we started. Do you think that that era persists? There are some people, especially in tech policy, who would say, “This was all a failure. We should call this what it was. It was a failure. It did not result in structural change and we should move on from this”? Not at all. It’s not a failure. Did we finish the job? No. There’s a lot more to go. It relates to the challenge that we were talking about earlier, which is that it’s harder to address something after it calcifies. We were coming in after these markets had hardened, trying to figure out how to create competition. I’ve always been fond of saying that what you really want to do is you want to protect the next inflection point. Especially in technology and platforms, what comes next is likely to be highly disruptive, and competition has its greatest promise at that moment. That’s when incumbents tend to be most aggressive in trying to prevent upstarts and others from competing. I do think the conversation we’re having around competition, this conversation today, the fact that folks on the left and right are already concerned about monopolies or oligopolies is a sign that these issues are more easily discussed today than they were six or seven years ago. It’s funny. The last time that you were on, I believe we were talking about the case you brought against Apple, and you made the same point, right? Right before everything changes, that’s when the monopolist gets the most aggressive. With Apple, it’s the App Store. With Google, it’s tying all of its products together in various different ways. Here you are again, and we’re talking about what would be the challengers. We’re talking about the AI companies that might disrupt Apple’s interface. Jony Ive has gone to make hardware devices at OpenAI and Apple is suing them. There’s a lot going on here. But what strikes me is the conversation we’re having today is about the challengers, not the monopolists. The challengers of yesterday are often the monopolists of today. I’m not against the challengers, let me be very clear. This is why I’m against the antitrust exemption. I want them to keep pushing hard. I want them to keep competing. But I also would love to see thriving domestic open-source or open-weights models to compete. We want to promote more competition, not less. That’s really what we should be focused on: making sure that the lessons we learned from the last go-around don’t translate to this one. Competition is not about weakening the large player, it’s about making sure that the smaller players have an opportunity to compete as well. Do you think it’s surprising the Trump administration hasn’t settled the Apple case? That is the one that’s ongoing. Every day I think that it’s weird that they can’t buy their way out of that one. It is surprising. The guy showed up with gold bars to the White House. If that doesn’t do it, what will? Do you think it’s just because they still think there’s something there, or is it just leverage in the background? I have no idea. It’s a strong case. It’s a good case. You’re not a politician anymore. You can just say it. Say what you think. [Laughs] I told you the guy showed up with gold bars! [Laughs] I mentioned before that for every monopolist, you have dozens of other companies, if not hundreds, that are upset with the monopolist. Unless we fully have embraced national champions, there are a lot of companies that are frustrated, as we put in our complaint, with the tactics of Apple to control that market and exploit that market. There are countervailing forces on the other side, if I had to guess. I want to wrap this up with a big sweep. We’ve talked about a lot of issues. There’s a lot of directions in which you can come at how we should regulate AI at this moment. If you had to make your list of prescriptions, if you were the policymaker, how would you organize them and what would you say? I would start with clarity around consequences for bad things. If you build dangerous products, if your door flies off your plane while it’s in the air, if your AI breaks into someone else’s company, you should be held responsible. You have an obligation to build products that don’t do that. I think that is a very good logical place to start and it is an extension of the products liability style framework. That is a good place. We need to enumerate, and Congress should step in and say, “Here are the things we value as a society. We value mental health. We value competition. We value authenticity of information. We value intellectual property and copyright of content owners. These are the kinds of things we value and we need to make sure that those values are embedded in the lines on the road and the stop signs and the traffic lights so that everyone has clarity at the outset what’s okay and what’s not.” Maybe we’ll get a Congress that can do that in the next term. We’ll see. I hope so. I hope so. We’re going to have to have you back soon, Professor Kanter. Thank you so much for being on Decoder. My pleasure. Most Popular - OpenAI and Microsoft knew they were starting a ‘doom loop’ for the web - The Apple Watch Series 12 is the start of a new wearable era - The 2.5-hour AI-generated Odyssey movie is 2.5 hours too long - The iPhone 18 Pro’s big camera update is all about the small gains - This cartridge-playing Game Boy clone is smaller and cheaper than Analogue’s Pocket

Il y a 38 ans, Jim Carrey était un extra-terrestre à fourrure rouge dans une comédie de science-fiction que personne n'a vue ! AlloCine

Sept. 19, 2026, 2 p.m.

Culture ciné

Vous pensez tout connaître de l'incroyable carrière de Jim Carrey, de ses comédies culte comme The Mask, Dumb and Dumber ou Fous d'Irène à ses films plus dramatiques tels The Truman Show, Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind ou Man on the Moon ? Vous croyez être au fait de ses oeuvres les moins connues ? Mais franchement... Avez-vous déjà entendu parler d'Objectif terrienne, comédie de science-fiction dans laquelle l'acteur élastique incarne un extra-terrestre à fourrure rouge ? Si oui, bravo, vous êtes vraiment un fan XXL de celui qui a récemment été honoré par les César ! Trois aliens à fourrures sont séduits par les femmes californiennes ! En 1988, soit bien avant qu'il ne devienne une méga-star grâce à Ace Ventura et The Mask, Jim Carrey (qui est fan d'une comédie française culte) s'illustre donc dans la délirante comédie SF Objectif terrienne, pur nanar qui le voit incarner l'extra-terrestre rouge Wiploc. Accompagné du bleu Mac et du jaune Zeebo, il se rend sur Terre. La raison ? Le trio est charmé par l'apparence physique des Californiennes. Mais les aliens manquent leur atterrissage et s'écrasent dans la piscine d'une femme prénommée Valerie. Si vous cherchez une pointe de crédibilité ou de logique dans cette improbable bizarrerie dont le titre en VO, Earth Girls Are Easy, se passe de commentaires, passez votre chemin ! Objectif terrienne, réalisé par Julien Temple (père de Juno et plutôt spécialisé dans les clips et les films musicaux), est un énorme délire absurde, une comédie de science-fiction parfois musicale, sacrément kitsch mais bourrée de bonne humeur. Millième degré exigé ! Des aliens, un casting de folie et... La Belle et la bête ! Objectif terrienne est même plus qu'une loufoquerie 80's. C'est aussi un film avec une atmosphère et de l'ambition, en témoigne une hallucinante et dérangeante séquence de rêve dans laquelle on peut distinguer des plans de La Belle et la Bête de Jean Cocteau ! La preuve dans le player ci-dessous. Précisons enfin que quand Objectif terrienne sort en salles, Jim Carrey n'est pas du tout le plus connu à l'affiche. Le film réunit en effet, excusez du peu, Jeff Goldblum (fourrure bleue), Damon Wayans (fourrure jaune) et Geena Davis (l'humaine qui voit débarquer ces drôles de créatures). Ajoutez à cela une musique signée par le maître du disco-funk Nile Rodgers, et vous obtenez le combo magique pour une comédie qui ne ressemble à aucune autre. "J'avais atteint la limite de ce que je pouvais supporter" Dans un entretien accordé à Entertainment Weekly, Jeff Goldbum s'était remémoré avec le sourire le tournage un peu compliqué d'Objectif terrienne. "On a tourné à Los Angeles durant les mois chauds de juillet et août et on me mettait énormément de maquillage pour l'occasion", déclare l'acteur. "J'avais atteint la limite de ce que je pouvais supporter", poursuit-il. "Pendant ces mois de canicule, je portais ces costumes poilus - nous en portions tous - et ils passaient énormément de temps à appliquer de la peinture au pistolet. C'était très artistique. Une dame traçait des rayures pour donner à mon visage l'apparence de la fourrure." Des propos qui donnent envie de jeter un oeil à cette improbable comédie, non ?

Arrivée du quinté du samedi 19 septembre : Interactiv, décisif Le Parisien

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:56 p.m.

Arrivée du quinté du samedi 19 septembre : Interactiv, décisif

Sao Tomé-et-Principe : raconter le passé sans sombrer dans la “nostalgie coloniale” Courrier international

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:49 p.m.

Reportage

En juillet, six anciennes plantations coloniales de Sao Tomé-et-Principe, appelées roças, ont été inscrites au patrimoine mondial de l’Unesco (Organisation des Nations unies pour l’éducation, la science et la culture). Les six domaines (Monte Café, Água Izé, Diogo Vaz, São João dos Angolares, Sundy et Belo Monte) faisaient partie d’un système colonial fondé sur l’esclavage et la culture de la canne à sucre, du café et du cacao. Ils intégraient tout à la fois des terres agricoles, des infrastructures de transformation et de transport, des logements ouvriers, des hôpitaux, des écoles et des églises. Une inscription que le gouvernement a accueillie comme une potentielle aubaine pour le tourisme, les investissements et le développement rural. Sao Tomé-et-Principe et ses 200 000 habitants sont confrontés à une grave crise économique et à une forte pression au niveau des infrastructures, avec des coupures récurrentes d’électricité et un taux de pauvreté particulièrement élevé, en particulier dans les zones rurales. Pourtant, cette opportunité présente également un risque, celui de transformer un système de plantation bâti sur la migration et le travail forcés en un lieu de nostalgie coloniale. Pour João Carlos Silva, chef cuisinier et entrepreneur culturel, l’inscription au patrimoine Abonnez-vous et accédez à : tous nos articles, l’hebdo numérique, l’application, le Réveil Courrier et nos newsletters Dès 1 €/mois Sans engagement • Résiliable en ligneEn s’attaquant aux immigrants, l’Afrique du Sud se détruit elle-même et trahit son histoire Au Ghana, un sommet international pour faire avancer les réparations liées à l’esclavage Le Cap-Vert, le plus brésilien des pays d’Afrique L’île de Sal, terre de sel et de requins, cœur battant du tourisme capverdien C’est au cœur d’un monde bouleversé par la pandémie de Covid-19 que The Continent s’est lancé, en avril 2020. Ce média original a pour ambition de réunir “les meilleurs des reportages” faits aux quatre coins du continent africain. “Jamais le besoin d’avoir accès à une information précise, profonde et juste n’a été aussi pressant”, écrit le titre dans son premier éditorial. “Nous ne pouvons vous distribuer des tests de dépistage. Nous n’avons pas de respirateurs, mais nous avons un travail vital à faire : vous informer.” Adossé au très réputé journal sud-africain Mail & Guardian, The Continent est un hebdomadaire disponible gratuitement, au format PDF, et pensé pour être partagé sur les réseaux sociaux.

Budget de la Sécu 2027 : vers un coup de frein sur les dépenses de santé Le Parisien

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:46 p.m.

Budget de la Sécu 2027 : vers un coup de frein sur les dépenses de santé

« Vous n’êtes pas dans un café ! » : gros clash au procès d’Ahmed Doumbia, dans l’affaire de la boîte de nuit clandestine à Saint-Denis Le Parisien

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:41 p.m.

« Vous n’êtes pas dans un café ! » : gros clash au procès d’Ahmed Doumbia, dans l’affaire de la boîte de nuit clandestine à Saint-Denis

Argenteuil : cinq blessés après une explosion dans un immeuble Le Parisien

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:41 p.m.

Argenteuil : cinq blessés après une explosion dans un immeuble

Reported Explosions Put Saudi Capital on Edge Amid Conflict With Houthis NYTimes world

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:36 p.m.

Saudi Arabia Riyadh (Saudi Arabia) Yemen

The Saudi authorities issued emergency alerts as several booms rattled parts of Riyadh, and local flights were disrupted. The cause of the blasts was not immediately clear.

Les techniques anti-âge de chirurgie esthétique : lesquelles sont in, lesquelles sont out ?

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:30 p.m.

Depuis quelques années, la médecine esthétique connaît un essor sans précédent. Aujourd'hui, les patientes qui franchissent la porte d'un cabinet esthétique appartiennent à toutes les tranches d'âge. Pour répondre à leurs problématiques variées, la t...
Lire la suite de l'article sur Elle.fr

Peut-on encore s’accorder une crème glacée pour le plaisir ? Courrier international

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:29 p.m.

Société

“C’est un endroit où James Bond, de retour de mission, pourrait dire au scientifique : ‘Il me faut ce stylo revolver’.” À Colworth, dans le Bedfordshire (au nord-ouest de Londres), Zbigniew Lewicki n’est pas peu fier de faire visiter son laboratoire à la journaliste du Guardian, Kitty Drake. L’homme est directeur de la recherche et de l’innovation chez The Magnum Ice Cream Company (TMICC), multinationale néerlandaise née en 2025 d’une scission avec le géant Unilever. Les ventes se portent bien, les températures record de l’été aidant, et Magnum représente 20 % d’un marché mondial de la crème glacée estimé à environ 100 milliards d’euros. Mais le cours de l’action est volatil : au début de l’été, TMICC comptait parmi les valeurs européennes les plus vendues à découvert (“short-selling”), c’est-à-dire que les investisseurs ont parié sur la baisse du cours de l’action. “Les investisseurs s’interrogent sur l’avenir de la crème glacée à l’ère de l’Ozempic”, résume le journal britannique. L’anxiété gagne Zbigniew Lewicki quand il admet que, désormais, “beaucoup de gens, en particulier la jeune génération, lisent les étiquettes avant d’acheter”. Ce que ces lecteurs d’étiquettes compulsifs aperçoivent au dos des emballages de Magnum et Solero n’est plus tout à fait aligné avec l’époque. Aux États-Unis, une personne sur huit suit un traitement contre l’obésité type Ozempic, Wegovy ou Mounjaro. “Les consommateurs de GLP-1 mangent moins, mais on leur conseille de consommer davantage de protéines pour ne pas perdre en masse musculaire – ce qui pose un problème au marché de la crème glacée. Un Twister contient par exemple à peine un demi-gramme de protéine.” Glaces au collagène C’est là qu’interviennent Lewicki et son équipe. À Colworth, Kitty Drake goûte un bâtonnet contenant tellement de vitamine B2 que la glace brille d’un vert fluorescent dans une boîte éclairée aux UV. Le produit a été lancé à Ibiza en 2025, avec le slogan “Les fêtards aussi sont des athlètes”. Une autre glace, bientôt commercialisée au Royaume-Uni, contient 4 grammes de protéines par bâtonnet. “Lewicki a l’ambition de la proposer dans les salles de sport. Ses yeux s’illuminent à cette idée. ‘Nous avons au moins dix prototypes enrichis en protéines, avec des formules ultraconcentrées afin de tester les limites. Nous avons aussi des glaces au collagène.’” Ces produits, où vitamines et protéines côtoient les traditionnels édulcorants et additifs, ne sont plus “ultra” mais “hypertransformés”, met en garde le médecin britannique Chris van Tulleken, auteur du best-seller Ultra-transformés. On mange de la m**** et le pire c’est qu’on en redemande. “L’ajout de vitamine permet seulement de donner une apparence de produit sain. Si vous voulez de la vitamine B2, mangez des œufs.” De sa visite, Kitty Drake retient un mot : “fonctionnalité”, ou “l’idée que votre glace doit vous être physiquement bénéfique d’une manière ou d’une autre”. Est-ce encore de la glace ? Car “plus encore que tout autre aliment, la glace n’existe que pour le plaisir. Ce savant mélange de gras, de sucre et d’air n’a pas été inventé pour être nourrissant.” Alors qu’elle achève son reportage chez un glacier artisanal de Broadstairs, sur l’île de Thanet, la journaliste savoure un banana split, et entre deux bouchées de crème fouettée, observe les gourmands qui l’entourent : “Notre appétence collective pour la crème glacée, et pour le plaisir, n’est peut-être pas si aisée à réprimer.” Un menu Ozempic et une carafe d’eau, s’il vous plaît ! La “personnalité Ozempic”, ou quand la vie devient fade après la perte de poids À l’ère d’Ozempic, les marques de mode abandonnent les vêtements grande taille Quoi qu’on fasse, nous les gros, nous serons toujours jugés, et j’en ai ras le bol

Beauvais : un homme « menaçant » abattu par la police venue l’interpeller Le Parisien

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:16 p.m.

Beauvais : un homme « menaçant » abattu par la police venue l’interpeller

Le mémorial de Vimy, dans le Pas-de-Calais, représenté sur les nouveaux billets de 20 dollars canadiens Le Parisien

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:11 p.m.

Le mémorial de Vimy, dans le Pas-de-Calais, représenté sur les nouveaux billets de 20 dollars canadiens

Coupe Davis : Herbert et Bonzi en mission sauvetage au Canada Le Parisien

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:06 p.m.

Coupe Davis : Herbert et Bonzi en mission sauvetage au Canada

Budget : record en vue pour la dette publique de la France qui grimpera jusqu’à 121,7% du PIB en 2027 Le Parisien

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:02 p.m.

Budget : record en vue pour la dette publique de la France qui grimpera jusqu’à 121,7% du PIB en 2027

Bol d’or 2026 : à quelle heure et sur quelle chaîne TV voir la course d’endurance moto ? Le Parisien

Sept. 19, 2026, 1:02 p.m.

Bol d’or 2026 : à quelle heure et sur quelle chaîne TV voir la course d’endurance moto ?

New Bid to Claim Cranach Paintings Held by Norton Simon Museum NYTimes arts

Sept. 19, 2026, 1 p.m.

Collectors and Collections Art Holocaust and the Nazi Era

Courts have upheld the museum’s title to the paintings once looted by the Nazis, but a lawsuit seeks to press forward with the claim under a new California law.

The AI regulation smackdown isn’t over The Verge

Sept. 19, 2026, 1 p.m.

AI Anthropic Elon Musk

At the start of this week, the who’s-who of AI seemed — at least tentatively — on the side of AI regulation. Over the weekend, Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei had proposed a three-step plan for slowing AI development, including by embedding third-party evaluators in labs, coordinating across the domestic industry, and forging international agreements potentially with government assistance. OpenAI CEO Sam Altman, Google DeepMind co-founder Demis Hassabis, and even SpaceX CEO Elon Musk publicly seemed to agree on aspects of all three things. The AI regulation smackdown isn’t over It’s AI CEO against AI CEO, and things are changing by the day. The AI regulation smackdown isn’t over It’s AI CEO against AI CEO, and things are changing by the day. Anthropic and OpenAI had already been dropping hints that they and other labs were working on some kind of industry framework. Appearing pro-regulation looked like both a good PR move and, potentially, a way for companies to address fallout from progressively more concerning hacking incidents. For now, any government involvement in this process looks like a non-starter. The Trump administration has attacked the idea of a safety crisis in AI, calling it a “hoax.” The AI world itself is also divided. Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg quickly came out against limiting companies’ autonomy, and earlier this week, the Wall Street Journal reported that Zuckerberg, Musk, and Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang scuttled proposals for an industry-funded independent regulator for the AI industry — akin to the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA), a private nonprofit regulator in finance. But parts of the industry aren’t giving up on the idea, including OpenAI. “People want to know AI is being developed safely,” Chris Lehane, OpenAI’s global affairs chief, told The Verge. “That begins with the steps companies like ours take on our own, but government has an important role too. The AI policy window is open, with growing bipartisan support for mandatory national safety standards for frontier AI. Congress should turn that momentum into a framework that strengthens safety, supports American innovation, and keeps the U.S. leading in AI.” An AI venture capitalist, who requested anonymity due to their current investments, agreed that regulation was necessary. “You see these moments in every technology, whether it was electricity, cars, or airplanes, where, at some point, the industry had to come together to find a way to say, ‘How do we collectively embrace what safety means?’ Cars were unsafe, airplanes were unsafe, and then we had to create safety standards that everybody embraced that actually made technology more widespread. But the early days are always a little wild and unruly, and that’s how technology unfolds.” Anthropic declined to comment, but Amodei wrote in his essay that the company has “always … advocat[ed] for well-considered regulation of AI, even when this gets us accused of hype, ‘doomerism’, or regulatory capture.” Other companies have remained quiet. Safe Superintelligence Inc., SpaceX, and Google didn’t respond to a request for comment. Thinking Machines Lab declined to comment. And Meta pointed to an X post by Zuckerberg, in which he distanced himself from the calls for a slowdown and regulation, writing, “Every lab has the responsibility and incentive to move at the pace required to train its models safely, and the ability to take its own actions to ensure that happens.” Zuckerberg’s line of thinking appears in vogue with Trump right now. The president made headlines last week for calling recent fears about AI risks a “hoax.” He called Huang while the latter was onstage at a conference and told a crowd over speakerphone that “The robots will not be taking over.” That same day, he also posted on social media that “the only control or ‘guardrails’ that AI needs is a STRONG AND SMART (High IQ!) PRESIDENT, and the U.S.A. has that, in spades!” He added that the Trump administration has already “stopped AI ‘people’ from doing bad, or potentially bad, ‘things,’” using its existing “tremendous CRIMINAL and REGULATORY power over these companies!” He denounced a “SICK conspiracy” going on against both AI and data centers and that whoever wins AI wins overall. “Conspiracy Theorists, Treasonists, Traitors, and Leakers, BEWARE!” he wrote. For Nick Reese, an adjunct professor at New York University and the Department of Homeland Security’s former director of emerging tech policy, Trump’s current anti-regulation statements about AI are confusing because he worked with the first Trump administration to develop Executive Order 13960 — which Trump signed and has not been repealed. The order was centered on creating a set of principles for federal AI use that would protect “privacy, civil rights, [and] civil liberties.” “Six years ago, the Trump Administration signed executive action on AI safety, so there is a real change in the president’s position on the topic,” Reese said. “AI safety requires more than the intellectual abilities of one elected official.” As AI-industry blogger Zvi Mowshowitz put it, Trump isn’t necessarily fully anti-regulation — after all, he’s the one who slapped some restrictions on frontier labs, like pre-release testing by the government. But he’s driven more by, in Mowshowitz’s words, “vibes” than consistent policy. “Trump’s not yet buying this ‘existential risk’ thing, that’s ‘negative forces,’” Mowshowitz wrote. So government guardrails aren’t exactly ruled out, but they may bear little resemblance to what OpenAI or Anthropic want — let alone the plans of less-powerful, independent AI safety advocates. Overall, the administration’s positions on AI regulation have been “wobbly and inconsistent,” Reese said. “The result of that is that we are now framing AI safety in this doomsday scenario where the robots are coming to get us. But framing it as ‘robots are coming to get us’ really distorts what the core problem actually is. The core problem is that we have AI that is not physical or embodied in a robot that is hurting humans now.” Trump wrote in his post on Truth Social that the administration currently has both criminal and regulatory power over AI labs, but Reese said we’re nowhere near sufficient regulatory authority over the AI industry. As the technology advances, and the general public continues to push back — protests, boycotts, and outcry over the AI industry’s concentrated power in the hands of few — calls for regulation are only increasing, and that pressure could influence Trump’s current position. Reese said the opposition to regulation boils down to a “tired” idea that it’s always bad for innovation. Instead, he says, it’s important to think about why anything gets regulated. “We regulate things that we can tolerate no failure on … like the financial sector or airlines,” he said. “We build systems and checks and quality assurance and fallback mechanisms to make sure that those things don’t harm life or harm us systemically. But somehow we’re exempting AI from that.” More in: The AI Superintelligence Slowdown Most Popular - OpenAI and Microsoft knew they were starting a ‘doom loop’ for the web - The Apple Watch Series 12 is the start of a new wearable era - The 2.5-hour AI-generated Odyssey movie is 2.5 hours too long - The iPhone 18 Pro’s big camera update is all about the small gains - This cartridge-playing Game Boy clone is smaller and cheaper than Analogue’s Pocket

It’s not just LG. Every TV company is spying on you The Verge

Sept. 19, 2026, 1 p.m.

Gadgets LG Tech

The TV world has been a pot of controversy thanks to a two-hour-and-15-minute video from Gamers Nexus claiming LG TVs are nefariously spying on everything you do. They can record and store audio even when they seem to be off, track everything you watch, and could even be hacked remotely and turned into covert surveillance devices. LG TV owners, and tech enthusiasts in general, are furious, and a hurried response from LG has done little to calm the situation. It’s not just LG. Every TV company is spying on you Not every smart TV is as easily hackable as Gamers Nexus says LG’s are, but they’re all tracking what you watch unless you opt out. Not every smart TV is as easily hackable as Gamers Nexus says LG’s are, but they’re all tracking what you watch unless you opt out. Some of the claims in the video may be based on speculation and assumptions, but many of the core concerns are real and pervasive. While LG was the focus of the video, every TV company is tracking what you do, collecting that data, and sharing it with its partners. And we agree to it — even if we don’t realize it. TV prices have come down significantly over the years, to the point where some companies are selling them at a loss. But they make up that shortfall selling user behavior data they collect from the OS. It’s why Walmart bought Vizio in 2024. There’s a lot going on in the Gamers Nexus video, but we’ll start with the part pretty much everyone making TVs is doing: tracking what you watch, when you watch, where you watch, and how you watch to sell you things about it all. Automatic content recognition (ACR) systems are built into just about every modern TV and can identify the content playing through built-in streaming apps and over the TV’s ports by grabbing snippets of audio or video, converting them into digital fingerprints, and sending them to a database for identification. It’s what allows a TV to make content recommendations, as well as feed you ads based on your viewing habits. It’s also one way companies like Nielsen can track viewership across platforms and services. In order for TVs to capture this information, you need to agree to it. One of Gamers Nexus’ complaints in the video is that this consent is often buried in confusing and lengthy agreements that you need to accept in order to use the TV, and that companies often use dark patterns or deceptive designs to get users to agree to things without realizing they didn’t have to. For example, the Gamers Nexus video showed an LG TV displaying six different user agreements, including one consenting to ACR, and automatically putting the cursor on “Select All” when only two agreements are required to continue. As a TV reviewer, I have to deal with end-user license agreements (EULA) and privacy policies on every product I review. And while it might be a losing battle because of the sheer number of TVs and other smart devices that come through my apartment, I take steps to try and protect my privacy. I have a burner Gmail account that is used solely for signing into apps and the TV’s operating system. Initially, I only accept the legally required documents for the TV to work properly so I can run my picture quality tests — both Calman and test discs. I never agree to automatic content recognition, which is referred to by names including Enhanced Viewing, Smart TV Experience, and Samba Interactive TV. I also dig through all of the menus, partly to become familiar with all the settings available, but also to make sure any ad or data tracking is toggled off. When I need to test voice control, I’ll then accept the voice recognition agreements before testing functionality. And since this is usually the last thing I do in my test process, this is followed by a factory reset before sending the TV back to the manufacturer. If you’re worried about privacy, don’t use voice control. Or if you do, only use the one on a separate streaming box from a brand you trust. I recommend the same for everyone with a smart TV. Have a dedicated email for logging in to TVs (and, if possible, your streaming apps) that isn’t connected to your personal email. When setting up the TV, only agree to whatever’s necessary for the TV to run if you want to use its OS. And after setup, go through all the menu options to make sure any ad tracking is off, and read the menu prompts closely, as the wording is sometimes confusing (probably intentionally so). Consumer Reports has a great, although slightly older guide to limiting data collection from the different TV manufacturers. To take it a step further, turn off Wi-Fi and unplug the Ethernet cable from the TV and essentially use it as a dumb TV (the Vizio Mini LED Quantum I reviewed is the best at this). Then, plug in your third-party streaming device of choice. I use an Apple TV 4K. Not because I don’t think Apple harvests any data, but because it doesn’t use ACR and I trust its security protocols more than I do any of the TV manufacturers or Google. Apple does still offer content recommendation based on what you watch, download, browse, and subscribe to in the Apple TV app. This can be turned off in settings by going to Apps -> TV -> Use Play History -> Off. For third-party apps, such as Netflix or Disney Plus, Apple gives users the option to “Ask App Not to Track,” which blocks the app’s developer from accessing the system advertising identifier. Keep in mind that every streaming service does track your usage within its own app and tie it to your login; many streaming boxes do too. The problems beyond ACR A good chunk of the Gamers Nexus video focused on broader security concerns and what appear to be much more egregious privacy violations from LG. That includes recording video and audio from the room even when the TV appeared to be off, sending information about the local network to LG’s servers, and logging background audio captured when using the TV’s mic for voice search and voice control. Gamers Nexus and Level1Techs were even able to exploit security vulnerabilities to take control of the TV, which is how they discovered the above. None of that is good, obviously. But it is worth noting that the scariest part — recording video (from a webcam they attached) and audio when the TV appeared off — seems to have been possible only because Level1Techs rooted the TV using an exploit that they said requires network access. If you have access to a computer, which is what a smart TV is, and you can root it, you can make it do pretty much whatever you want. If the TV is indeed rootable with only network access, that is a legitimate security problem; it still requires an attacker to get into your private network, but gives them a vulnerable endpoint if they do. With that root access, Gamers Nexus also discovered that when an LG TV’s mic was activated for voice search, it kept recording for 10 to 15 seconds after it last detected speech. It could also detect the “hi LG” wake word and other speech from farther away than you would expect — after Gamers Nexus enabled the far-field microphone and cranked up the mic sensitivity. Taken in combination, that means that as long as anyone within the (long) earshot of the microphones kept talking after the mic was activated, the TV would capture their conversation too and treat it as part of the voice search. That’s not ideal, but Gamers Nexus and Level1Techs did go out of their way to increase the mic’s pickup range and used the optional voice search wake word, both of which are easy to avoid doing. Alongside their pretty damning testing, there’s also a lot of “it might” and “we think” and outright speculation in the video, not to mention long-distance conclusion jumping. For example: Gamers Nexus’ Steve Burke says that unplugging your TV’s ethernet cable might not be enough to stop it transmitting data to LG, because it could auto-connect to open neighborhood Wi-Fi broadcasts from Comcast or AT&T customers in order to upload that data. There’s no evidence in the Gamers Nexus video that LG TVs actually attempt to do this — these hotspots require user accounts, for one thing — and Burke doesn’t say that they do, or even could, but the implication is clear. This type of rampant speculation undermines the legitimate vulnerabilities Gamers Nexus highlights. There’s really no way to completely protect yourself from your TV, streaming device, or streaming services gathering your data, at least right now. There’s so much money being made at the expense of consumers and the data collection is so integrated into how these companies work that the change and regulation needs to come from government policymakers. “We need a comprehensive federal privacy law that covers this sort of data collection and misuse,” said Thorin Klosowski, senior security and privacy activist at the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF). “Specifically one that requires opt-in consent, with no deceptive design tricks to get that consent, and a data minimization requirement, which would limit the companies to only using data for what’s needed to provide the service.” The fact that we, as users of tech products, need to actively protect ourselves from the companies that sell us things is bad. But it’s the unfortunate current reality of living in a tech-filled world and taking advantage of the benefits current technology affords. Beyond disconnecting completely and living in a cabin in the woods with a dumb TV and a collection of Blu-rays, the best we can do is limit as much shared information as possible. If it’s possible to keep it private, we should. Most Popular - OpenAI and Microsoft knew they were starting a ‘doom loop’ for the web - The Apple Watch Series 12 is the start of a new wearable era - The 2.5-hour AI-generated Odyssey movie is 2.5 hours too long - The iPhone 18 Pro’s big camera update is all about the small gains - This cartridge-playing Game Boy clone is smaller and cheaper than Analogue’s Pocket

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Greenland Trump, Donald J United States International Relations

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Sept. 19, 2026, 12:30 p.m.

Séries à la TV

Mauvaise nouvelle pour les fans de Buffy contre les vampires, le fameux reboot ne verra finalement pas le jour, comme l'a confirmé l'actrice Sarah Michelle Gellar. Malgré cette triste annonce, Seth Green, qui incarnait Daniel Osbourne, alias Oz, dans la série des années 2000, regrette toujours de ne pas avoir été convié au projet Buffy : New Sunnydale. Seth Green n'aurait pas joué dans le remake de Buffy contre les vampires Invité du podcast The McBride Rewind, le mardi 8 septembre 2026, l'acteur au casting de la série The Conners a révélé qu'il n'avait pas été approché au sujet d'un éventuel retour dans le projet développé pour Hulu : "Je n'ai pas été impliqué dans ces discussions", a-t-il expliqué à nos confrères et consœurs de Variety. Pour rappel, dans la série créée en 1997, il prêtait ses traits au personnage d'Oz, le guitariste du groupe Dingoes Ate My Baby et petit ami de Willow Rosenberg, jouée par Alyson Hannigan. Il cachait un lourd et sombre secret : la nuit de pleine lune, il se transformait en loup-garou ! Seth Green avait quitté la série à la fin de la saison 4, avant de faire une apparition dans l'épisode 19 de la saison 4. Dans celui-ci, il revenait à Sunnydale en affirmant qu'il avait appris à maîtriser sa nature de loup-garou. L'acteur veut reprendre son rôle d'Oz Pour autant, Seth Green ne ferme absolument pas la porte à un éventuel retour dans l'univers de Buffy contre les vampires. Au contraire, si l'occasion se présente, l'acteur américain accepterait sans hésitation de reprendre son rôle dans la série, comme il l'a expliqué : "S'ils écrivaient une histoire sur Oz, j'adorerais voir où en est Oz aujourd'hui." Pour l'heure, ce retour ne pourra pas avoir lieu dans Buffy : New Sunnydale. Pour rappel, la série tant attendue des fans devait être incarnée par Ryan Kiera Armstrong. La jeune actrice de 16 ans, connue pour son rôle dans The Lowdown, devait interpréter une nouvelle Tueuse de vampires, tandis que Sarah Michelle Gellar devait reprendre son rôle emblématique de Buffy. Le pilote réunissait également Faly Rakotohavana (Unprisoned), Ava Jean (Camp Rock 3), Sarah Bock (Severance), Daniel di Tomasso (Witches of East End), et Jack Cutmore-Scott (Oppenheimer). Reste à savoir si ce projet pourrait être reconduit, ou pas du tout !

Un vent d’islamophobie souffle sur le Texas Courrier international

Sept. 19, 2026, 12:24 p.m.

États-Unis

La population musulmane du Texas est en pleine croissance, en particulier dans la région de Dallas. Mais elle doit faire face à une montée de l’islamophobie, souligne ce reportage du “New York Times”. Pour les électeurs conservateurs texans, l’islam est même devenu la principale préoccupation, devant la question des frontières. Un ressentiment alimenté par les dirigeants républicains de l’État. Au début du mois de juin, Ghulam Kehar s’est levé aux aurores pour assister à la première prière du jour à la mosquée qu’il fréquente à Irving, au Texas. Ce jour-là, il devait partir pour un déploiement d’un mois avec la garde côtière américaine. Ce n’était pas son premier déploiement, mais cette fois-ci c’était différent : il appréhendait de laisser son épouse et leurs quatre enfants derrière lui au Texas, même pour une courte période. Les attaques rhétoriques des plus hauts dirigeants texans contre les musulmans se sont intensifiées ces derniers temps. À la mosquée où prie Ghulam Kehar, le Valley Ranch Islamic Center, et dans d’autres mosquées au Texas, les fidèles et responsables religieux ont long à dire sur les commentaires haineux dont ils font régulièrement l’objet lorsqu’ils prient en public ou se reposent dans un parc. “Pas les bienvenues” Au cours des derniers mois, un homme a été arrêté et accusé d’avoir formulé des menaces terroristes lors d’une visite à l’Ismaili Center, grand centre islamique récemment ouvert à Houston. Non loin de là, dans un magasin de Conroe, une femme a dit à des clientes musulmanes qu’elles n’étaient “pas les bienvenues dans cet État ni dans ce pays”. Celle-ci a perdu son emploi après la diffusion de la vidéo en ligne, mais une collecte de fon Abonnez-vous et accédez à : tous nos articles, l’hebdo numérique, l’application, le Réveil Courrier et nos newsletters Dès 1 €/mois Sans engagement • Résiliable en ligneAvec plus de 2 000 journalistes, une trentaine de bureaux à l’étranger, plus de 140 prix Pulitzer et près de 13 millions d’abonnés au total à la fin de l’année 2025, The New York Times est le quotidien de référence aux États-Unis, dans lequel on peut lire “all the news that’s fit to print” (“toute l’information digne d’être publiée”). Dans son édition dominicale, on trouve notamment The New York Times Book Review, un supplément livres qui fait autorité, et l’inégalé New York Times Magazine. La famille Ochs-Sulzberger, qui, en 1896, a pris la direction de ce journal créé en 1851, est toujours à la tête du quotidien de centre gauche. Quant à l’édition web, qui revendique à elle seule plus de 12 millions d’abonnés à la fin de 2025, elle propose tout ce que l’on peut attendre d’un service en ligne, avec en plus des dizaines de rubriques spécifiques. Les archives regroupent des articles parus depuis 1851, consultables en ligne à partir de 1981. Starbase, la “ville-entreprise” d’Elon Musk qui grignote le Texas Zohran Mamdani associé aux “ennemis existentiels” d’Israël sur une affiche électorale du Likoud Dolly Parton était aussi l’icône des immigrés, avec ou sans papiers

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